Hong Kong Fiscal Deficits Analysis

In recent years, fiscal deficits have emerged as a significant new challenge for the Hong Kong government. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the slowdown in global economic growth, and heightened uncertainties have led to a substantial decline in Hong Kong’s fiscal revenues.


In recent years, fiscal deficits have emerged as a significant new challenge for the Hong Kong government. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the slowdown in global economic growth, and heightened uncertainties have led to a substantial decline in Hong Kong’s fiscal revenues. To address this issue, the government has implemented large-scale counter-cyclical fiscal stimulus measures. At the same time, government expenditures in areas such as infrastructure development, social welfare, healthcare, and education have continued to rise. While investments in these sectors are crucial for stimulating the economy, improving people’s well-being, and promoting the long-term development of Hong Kong, they challenge the city’s ability to maintain fiscal balance.

This article will analyze Hong Kong’s fiscal deficit in recent years, exploring the relationship between fiscal deficits and economic cycles, along with the impact of land revenues, to assess the city’s fiscal sustainability. Moreover, it will look ahead to future fiscal conditions and explore the feasibility of using fiscal reserves and debt instruments to address deficits.

1. The Size of Fiscal Deficits

Hong Kong has long adhered to the principle of keeping expenditures within the limit of revenues, maintaining prudent fiscal management and even running budget surpluses for more than ten years. However, Hong Kong’s significant fiscal deficits in recent years have attracted widespread attention. In the 2022 and 2023 fiscal years, Hong Kong’s consolidated account recorded deficits of HKD 188.3 billion and HKD 171.9 billion, accounting for 6.7% and 5.8% of the city’s GDP, respectively. To gain a deeper understanding of the scale of these fiscal deficits, we will compare them from both a historical perspective and a cross-regional perspective.

From a historical perspective, as shown in Figure 1, the deficit levels of the past four years have reached highs not seen in 25 years, even surpassing those of several major economic downturns including the Asian Financial Crisis and the Global Financial Crisis. These deficits have persisted even as the economy began to recover from the pandemic in the last two years, raising concerns about Hong Kong’s medium- to long-term fiscal outlook.

From a cross-regional perspective, the conclusions are equally alarming. Figure 2A presents the fiscal balances of 36 developed economies worldwide for the fiscal years of 2022 and 2023. The cyclical and structural balances, marked in the figure, will be analyzed in detail later; their sum constitutes the total fiscal balance. Hong Kong’s deficit ranks second highest globally, behind Italy and followed by the much larger economies of the United States, the United Kingdom, and France. Compared to Hong Kong, these economies have more tools at their disposal to handle financial pressures and external shocks. Meanwhile, Singapore, whose economic features are closest to Hong Kong’s, boasts a high fiscal surplus, ranking fourth. Financial centers such as Switzerland and Luxembourg are also in strong financial shape, in stark contrast to Hong Kong’s situation.

Looking further back to the height of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021 (Figure 2B), Hong Kong actually managed its finances better than most, with its fiscal balance ranking above the median. Therefore, the pandemic is not the primary cause of Hong Kong’s current deficit woes – other structural and policy factors are at play.

When compared to the fiscal conditions of local governments in mainland China, Hong Kong’s situation looks somewhat better. Multiple factors including economic transformation, the real estate downturn, and local government debt have contributed to generally high levels of fiscal deficit across regions[1] (see Figure 3). Nevertheless, economically developed regions such as Beijing, Guangdong, and the Yangtze River Delta (Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, etc.) are in better fiscal condition, with deficit levels similar to Hong Kong’s.

To summarize, Hong Kong’s current deficit level is relatively favorable within the national context, but remains high when compared to its own historical record and other developed economies.

2. Cyclical and Structural Fiscal Balance

Economic cycles play a critical role in shaping government fiscal conditions. Government fiscal balances can be divided into two major categories: cyclical and structural balances. Cyclical balances are primarily driven by economic cycles. During a recession, government revenues fall while spending on economic stimulus and unemployment benefits rises, creating fiscal deficits. As the economy recovers, these gaps gradually shrink and eventually disappear. Structural balances, however, are less tied to economic cycles. They typically reflect imbalances in the government’s revenue and expenditure structure. Even when the economy is operating at its potential output level and growing steadily, government expenditures may still exceed revenues due to structural factors. These deficits often result from investments in areas like social welfare, public services, and infrastructure development. While cyclical deficits follow the rhythm of economic cycles, structural deficits can be brief or prolonged, depending on the intensity of policy actions.

Although economic theory draws a clear distinction between cyclical and structural fiscal balances, they do not have directly observable data in practical analysis and typically require model-based estimations. This article uses various methods to estimate both types of fiscal balances to ensure robust conclusions. The results below are primarily based on estimates by the International Monetary Fund.

In Figure 4, the economic cycle is quantified as the percentage gap between current local GDP and potential output. For instance, in 2018, economic activity boomed and exceeded potential output by about 4%. In contrast, during the 2009 global financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, economic activity fell about 4% below potential. The cyclical fiscal balance, represented by the bars in the figure, moves in clear synchrony with these economic cycles. Given the recent global economic slowdown, Hong Kong’s cyclical fiscal position has faced considerable pressure, with cyclical deficits reaching high levels from 2000 to 2023.

While structural balances are not directly linked to economic cycles, structural deficits remained elevated from 2000 to 2023, emerging as the primary driver of the past two years’ deficit. This suggests Hong Kong’s current fiscal challenges won’t simply be resolved through natural economic recovery.

Revisiting the international comparison in Figure 2, many countries in 2020-2021 experienced high cyclical deficits due to recessions, often exceeding even their structural deficits. Hong Kong’s total deficit ranked in the middle, but if we consider only its structural deficit, Hong Kong’s position would be stronger. As economies rebounded in 2022-2023, cyclical deficits diminished globally, with structural balances having a bigger impact on fiscal positions. Although Hong Kong ranks second in total deficits, its structural deficit ranks sixth, comparable to many other developed economies – a somewhat reassuring finding.

The cyclical-structural analysis outlined above is an effective method for assessing fiscal sustainability. We can also use another approach to dissect the sources of change in fiscal balances. Comparing the cyclical and structural balances shown in Figure 4 shows that cyclical balances are highly volatile. Cyclical balances can persist at around 5% for several consecutive years at their peak and drop to -5% at their lowest. In contrast, structural balances maintain steadier movements, generally within a 2% range. Hong Kong’s overall fiscal position shows limited cyclical fluctuations, indicating that its balances over the years were largely driven by structural policy adjustments and reforms.

Using the statistical method of variance decomposition, we can quantify that structural surplus fluctuations account for 80% of Hong Kong’s total fiscal surplus. This puts Hong Kong in ninth place globally, which is considered moderately high. This high structural volatility in Hong Kong is partly due to the government’s policy evolution in long-term projects related to livelihood, healthcare, pension, and housing. Since most structural deficits are closely related to policy choices, if the government is willing to scale down certain policies, it can quickly restore a structural surplus. Conversely, if an economy’s deficit is mainly cyclical, changes in government policy will have little substantive effect.

We can draw the following conclusions by analyzing the cyclical and structural nature of deficits. First, Hong Kong cannot rely solely on accelerated economic growth to resolve its fiscal deficits. Second, Hong Kong has considerable control over fluctuations in its deficits. Lastly, in the post-pandemic era, global fiscal policies have undergone structural changes, with structural deficits becoming a common challenge around the world. Hong Kong’s structural deficit is at a moderately high level.

3. Land-Based Fiscal Revenue

This section further explores the roots of structural deficits. Land income is a significant revenue stream in Hong Kong’s fiscal structure. Land-related income primarily comes from land premium, stamp duties, rates, government rent, and other forms. As the real estate market cooled in recent years, inactivity in land auctions and property transactions has led to a decline in land income. On average, over the last 25 years, stamp duties and land premium accounted for 19.0% of total revenue, while general rates, properties and investments (mainly government rents), and property taxes accounted for 8.3%, bringing their combined total to 27.3%. However, this figure dropped to 16.3% in 2023. The decline does not indicate falling reliance on land, but rather highlights the city’s vulnerability to fiscal shocks when the real estate market declines.

When analyzing fiscal stability, it is essential to consider not only revenue proportions but also risk attributes. Land income, though a small part of total revenue, is highly volatile. We can decompose the changes in government revenue into variations in land and non-land income. As illustrated in Figure 5, fluctuations in stamp duties and land income are the most critical drivers of revenue volatility. Revenue share fell by -2.0% and -3.7% in 2021 and 2022, respectively, with stamp duties and land income contributing -3.1% and -2.0% to this decline. Notably, non-land income actually increased in 2022.

Extending the timeframe to the past 25 years, variance decomposition analysis shows stamp duties and land income contributing 60% of revenue volatility. Other land-related income, namely general rates, properties and investments, and property taxes, are relatively stable, contributing just 2% of revenue volatility. Other non-land income accounts for the remaining 38%.

As explained, land income constitutes a small part of total revenue but serves as the main driver of revenue volatility. This dynamic mirrors investment theory: When investors allocate assets between high-risk stocks and risk-free bonds, even a small allocation to stocks can cause most of the portfolio’s volatility. Therefore, it is essential to not only consider allocation ratios but also understand how different assets contribute to overall risk. Land income, while accounting for 20% of the revenue, contributes 60% of fiscal risk. Drawing lessons from investment theory, we should focus on the risk factors of land income, conducting more scenario analyses and simulations to mitigate uncontrollable risks. This approach aims to prevent situations where land revenue amplifies overall deficit.

Similarly, local governments in mainland China are highly dependent on land income. Comparing 2013-2023 data (Figure 6), Hong Kong’s revenue share, at 31.9%, comes in tenth place. However, its volatility ranks among the highest in the nation, just behind provinces such as Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, and Guangdong. Notably, these provinces also have some of the lowest fiscal deficits in the country through relatively prudent fiscal management.

Land income volatility is closely related to housing prices. A rise in housing prices usually boosts the real estate market and land transactions, thereby increasing stamp duties and land income. Since 2021, Hong Kong’s housing prices have trended down significantly. To what extent can the decline in housing prices explain the decrease in land income? Indeed, analyzing data from the past 25 years shows a positive correlation between housing prices and land income in Hong Kong. For every 1% increase in housing prices, the land income-to-GDP ratio rises by 0.046%. A panel data regression analysis we conducted using data from local governments in mainland China from 2013 to 2023 reveals a coefficient of 0.03 between housing prices and their impact on land income. This is lower than the coefficient for Hong Kong, indicating that Hong Kong’s land income is more sensitive to changes in housing prices.

From 2021 to March 2024, housing prices fell 21%, corresponding to a roughly 1% drop in land income ratio, according to the Rating and Valuation Department’s Private Domestic Price Indices. However, the share of land income plunged from 6.1% in 2021 to 1.1% in 2023, which suggests that multiple factors, not only the drop in housing prices, are driving Hong Kong’s land-based revenue decline.

4. Fiscal Forecasting

According to its latest budget, the government has implemented fiscal consolidation measures aimed at increasing revenue and reducing expenditure. Its fiscal deficit is expected to gradually decrease over the next few years, with a return to surplus by 2027. While this projection suggests the current deficit is short-term and manageable, it’s common to see overly optimistic estimates globally due to the complexities of fiscal forecasting.

Analysis of historical budgets and the accuracy of forecasts shows a consistently prudent and conservative approach in Hong Kong’s fiscal management. Figure 7 depicts the discrepancies between Hong Kong’s fiscal budget and actual revenue and expenditure. Over the 15-year period from 2004 to 2019, the government generally underestimated revenue, showing instances of overestimation only in the past five years – though it still underestimated the pace of economic recovery in 2021. On the expenditure side, while the government significantly overestimated expenditure in 2020, its spending forecasts have generally proven more accurate than revenue predictions. This pattern of forecasting has led to long-term underestimation of fiscal surpluses, ultimately vindicating the government’s prudent fiscal strategy.

Long-term fiscal forecasting is challenging due to the many uncertainties surrounding future expenditures and revenues. But Hong Kong has shown remarkable consistency – its five-year forecast error margins closely track those of one year. This suggests a high degree of control over future fiscal conditions and demonstrates the government’s ability to execute planned strategies effectively, keeping long-term fiscal policy risks relatively contained.

5. Fiscal Reserves

Public concern over Hong Kong’s fiscal condition often focuses on the government’s reserves. The government maintains both an extremely low level of debt and substantial reserves, with the latter currently accounting for 25% of GDP – among the highest in developed economies worldwide (Figure 8).

Some commentators focus on how many months of government expenditure current fiscal reserves can support. Now at 12 months, this figure has fanned concerns about fiscal reserves running low. Such worries, however, are largely unfounded: this metric completely overlooks revenue streams that typically cover expenditures. Even if current high deficit levels persisted – which are historically rare and not likely to last – it would take five years to exhaust the reserves, well beyond the 12-month mark.

Still, the optimal level of fiscal reserves merits discussion. Ideally, the government should maintain a balanced budget, but this does not mean the fiscal situation should be balanced at all times. Considering economic fluctuations and structural factors, the government can build up reserves through fiscal surpluses during economic upswings and lower structural expenditures. These buffers serve multiple purposes: cushion potential economic downturns, alleviate public hardship, stabilize the economy, and address structural needs such as aging populations, social welfare, education, and infrastructure. The Hong Kong government has adopted this strategy over the past decade, causing fiscal reserves to grow from 22% in 2004 to 42% in 2019 (Figure 7). Hong Kong has been making full use of its accumulated reserves, which are enough to cover the deficits in recent years. While these deficits have drawn down resources, current reserves still exceed 2004 levels.

A certain level of fiscal reserves provides benefits, but excessive reserves may also prove counterproductive. Economic theory suggests it’s more efficient for private citizens than the government to hold the same wealth, as it helps lower transaction, information, and agency costs. This concept also aligns with the traditional Chinese philosophy of “storing wealth among the people.” The government’s role is to make good use of its fiscal reserves. If the economy has not experienced a downturn in five years and reserves continue to reach new highs, the government could consider moderately reducing reserve levels by increasing spending, providing subsidies, and offering tax relief.

When discussing fiscal reserves, a clear distinction must be made between fiscal reserves and foreign exchange reserves. Traditional views hold that emerging market economies, due to their weaker borrowing capacity, may not be able to raise sufficient funds during a crisis and may need to rely on their fiscal reserves. However, foreign exchange reserves, rather than fiscal reserves, are often what’s needed to respond to international crises. An economy can maintain debt while holding significant foreign exchange reserves to manage balance of payments crises and exchange rate interventions. Given Hong Kong’s stage of development with ready access to low-cost financing, the case for maintaining high fiscal reserves is weaker. Meanwhile, Hong Kong’s Exchange Fund holds substantial assets and equities, providing ample support for its linked exchange rate system, as detailed in our economic policy green paper last year.

6. Issuing Debt

Unlike Hong Kong, other major economies do not hold substantial fiscal reserves. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, major developed countries were already burdened with high levels of debt. The United States’ frequent encounters with its statutory debt ceiling have resulted in “fiscal cliffs” and government shutdowns, while the Eurozone debt crisis is affecting half of its member states. Despite relative economic stability following the Eurozone crisis, many countries did not follow prudent fiscal principles to reduce deficits and debt levels, leaving them particularly vulnerable when a global crisis struck in 2020. Nevertheless, these countries introduced extensive stimulus measures, further increasing their debt burdens. By the end of 2023, the debt levels of many countries had reached historic highs, approaching 100% of their GDP.

This global response highlights the need for counter-cyclical fiscal stimulus, where expanding fiscal spending is imperative even when debt levels are high. While the Hong Kong government can tap ample reserves to address crises, other high-debt countries have also managed to secure sufficient funds to cover their deficits. The need for fiscal reserves to respond to crises is indeed debatable.

Traditional views advocate accumulating reserves through surpluses during economic booms and addressing deficits through borrowing during downturns, aiming for long-term balance. The optimal level of reserves or debt in theory warrants further study, but this balance point need not be zero. A debt level of 30% of GDP during normal periods –  rising to 50% during recessions or falling to 10% during booms – may be considered healthy and sustainable.

Hong Kong started issuing bonds under the Government Bond Programme in 2009, with the borrowing limit gradually increasing from the initial HKD 100 billion to the current HKD 300 billion. Subsequently, reflecting its support for sustainable development, Hong Kong introduced the Infrastructure Bond Programme and the Government Sustainable Bond Programme, raising the combined limit to HKD 500 billion. As of April 2024, government bonds accounted for approximately 14.7% of local GDP. This is lower than the fiscal reserves and significantly below the bond issuance levels seen in most developed economies.

Issuing bonds has multiple benefits. For the government, bonds can alleviate short-term fiscal pressure and provide a stable source of funding for long-term infrastructure projects. The debt servicing costs for the Hong Kong government are very low, even lower than that of U.S. Treasury bonds, which are considered global safe assets. For instance, the yield on a 20-year reopening bond issued on March 14, 2024, was 4.392%, while the yield on U.S. Treasury bonds of the same maturity on the same day was 4.492%. Similarly, the yield on a 3-year bond issued on October 23, 2024, was 2.952%, compared to 4.041% for the corresponding U.S. Treasury bond. These low interest rates are not only due to the Hong Kong government’s exceptional creditworthiness but also reflect the supply-demand imbalance in the bond market and other structural factors.

Government-issued risk-free bonds are a cornerstone of capital markets. An adequate supply meets investor demand for safe assets denominated in Hong Kong dollars, thereby enhancing market liquidity. A risk-free yield curve serves as a vital benchmark for pricing other risk assets. In economic theory, “incomplete markets” may lead to suboptimal resource allocation, unhedgeable risks, and societal welfare losses. Government bonds can address these gaps, contributing to market “completeness” and acting as a supplier of safe assets to tackle market failures, even when the government does not have financing needs.

As a center for offshore RMB, Hong Kong can expand the currency’s investor base by issuing RMB-denominated government bonds – an effective way of promoting RMB internationalization. Currently, RMB assets account for only 8% of Hong Kong’s relatively small outstanding debt. Expanding RMB-denominated bond issuance can help build a more mature market and broaden the scope for global investment in RMB assets. As Hong Kong cultivates this market with more investable assets and better liquidity, global investors will be more willing to hold and use RMB in a wider range of investment, trade, and other scenarios.

In the current economic climate, many may be apprehensive about debt, especially given recent hikes in interest rates. However, it is important to recognize that these rate increases are primarily nominal, driven by global inflation. When adjusted for inflation, real interest rates are not high and have been trending down over the past few decades.

Furthermore, the ongoing issue of local government debt in mainland China has made debt resolution a shared priority from top to bottom. New debt issuance is now tightly controlled, driven by the economic downturn and debt risk management. Should Hong Kong go against the trend? Local debts have been accumulating for over a decade. The starting point is the mismatch between policy goals and financial resources, with economic downturns and debt risk management amplifying the challenge. Hong Kong shares a similar starting point to mainland China, but their underlying conditions are different. It’s difficult to achieve policy goals without the necessary resources.

The Hong Kong government currently has multiple expenditure projects aimed at benefiting public welfare and promoting long-term social development. Providing “big government” social services with a “small government” revenue model, characterized by low taxes, will inevitably lead to short-term fiscal imbalances. Hong Kong has ample fiscal reserves and no net debt concerns. Aligning policy goals with financial resources, strategically utilizing existing fiscal reserves, and issuing debt within the bond program limits can be wise moves.

It is essential to be bold yet cautious, conducting prudent risk assessments and management throughout the process to ensure debt risks are controllable. The market serves as a barometer for debt conditions. A significant rise in bond yields serves as a warning, signaling the need for increased preventive measures to nip any potential debt crisis in the bud.

7. Conclusion

In recent years, Hong Kong has faced relatively high deficit levels, ranking among the top in developed economies. A significant portion of this deficit stems from structural deficits, which cannot be passively alleviated by economic growth alone but require proactive fiscal policy adjustments. Land revenue contributes a substantial proportion of fiscal income, but its volatility also poses high risks, having driven most revenue fluctuations. Consequently, more prudent risk management is necessary. The decline in land revenue is influenced by factors beyond just falling property prices.

Looking ahead, the government must strike a balance between reducing deficits and implementing fiscal policies. The government has actively adjusted fiscal policies, with current forecasts suggesting a return to surplus within a few years. The government’s fiscal forecasting has historically been cautious and accurate, lending credibility to these projections.

Hong Kong has accumulated substantial fiscal reserves over the years. Despite a decline in recent years, these reserves remain among the highest globally, with limited downside risks. The government does not need to aim for continuous accumulation of reserves. The recent decline in reserves is not a cause for concern; rather, it can be seen as an example of the efficient utilization of fiscal reserves.

The Hong Kong government should make full use of the government bond program’s capacity to raise funds for infrastructure investment. This approach would not compromise long-term fiscal sustainability and would foster the development of capital markets and the internationalization of the renminbi.

Figure 1. Hong Kong Fiscal Balance, Revenue, and Expenditure

Source: Census and Statistics Department.

Figure 2A. Cyclical and Structural Balance of Advanced Economies (2022 and 2023 fiscal year)

Source: International Monetary Fund.

Figure 2B. Cyclical and Structural Balance of Advanced Economies (2020 and 2021 fiscal year)

Source: International Monetary Fund.

Figure 3. Fiscal Balance of Mainland Local Governments and Hong Kong

Source: National Bureau of Statistics, CSMAR.

Figure 4. Economic Cycle, Cyclical Balance, and Structural Balance

Source: International Monetary Fund.

Figure 5. Annual Change of Revenue/GDP by Sources

Source: Census and Statistics Department, Inland Revenue Department.

Figure 6. Land Revenue Share and Share of Variance of Mainland Local Governments and Hong Kong

Source: National Bureau of Statistics, CSMAR, Provincial Department of Finance.

Figure 7. Fiscal Forecasting

Source: Government budget.

Figure 8. Debt and Reserve of Advanced Economies

Source: International Monetary Fund.


[1] The fiscal balance includes the “four accounts,” namely the general public budget, the government fund budget, the state-owned capital operation budget, and the social insurance fund budget.

Translation

香港財政赤字分析


近年來,財政赤字已成為香港特區面臨的一項嚴峻新挑戰。2019冠狀病毒病疫情的衝擊、全球經濟增長放緩加上不確定性加劇,導致政府財政收入大幅下滑。為應對這一困境,政府採取大規模逆周期財政刺激措施。與此同時,政府在基礎設施建設、社會福利、醫療及教育等領域的開支持續攀升。這些領域的投入雖對於提振經濟、改善民生、促進香港長遠發展具有重要意義,但也對維持財政平衡構成考驗。

本文將分析香港近年來的財政赤字情況,從財政赤字與經濟周期的關係、土地收入的影響等角度,評估財政的穩健性。同時,展望未來的財政狀況,探討通過財政儲備和債務工具等手段應對赤字的可行性。

1. 財政赤字規模


特區政府歷來恪守「量入為出」的財政原則,審慎理財令香港財政穩健,並連續十多年錄得財政盈餘。然而,香港近年來的嚴重財政赤字引起了廣泛關注。2022及2023兩個財政年度,綜合帳目分別錄得1,883億元及1,719億元的赤字,對本地生產總值的比率分別是6.7%和5.8%。為了更深入理解這一財政赤字規模,可從歷史視角和跨地區視角加以比較。

從歷史視角來看,如【圖1】所示,最近4年的赤字水平創下了近25年來的新高,超過了歷史上數次主要經濟衰退時期,如亞洲金融危機、全球金融危機等。隨着新冠疫情過後,近兩年經濟開始復甦,財赤並未得到有效緩解,香港中長期財政展望難免令人擔憂。

再從跨地區視角來看,所得結論同樣令人憂慮。【圖2A】顯示2022及2023兩個財政年度全球36個發達經濟體的財政結餘。圖中標示的周期性和結構性結餘將在下文詳細分析,二者之和即總財政結餘。香港的赤字水平位列世界第二,緊隨意大利,排在香港之後有美國、英國、法國。這些經濟體都規模龐大,較香港擁有更多工具可供應用,以應付財政壓力以及抵禦外來衝擊。與此同時,與香港經濟特點最接近的新加坡,其財政盈餘位居全球第四。瑞士、盧森堡等金融中心的財政狀況同樣穩健,與香港的赤字情況形成了鮮明對比。

進一步回溯至新冠疫情高峰期的2020年及2021年(【圖2B】),香港在應對突發危機時的財政調控能力實際上相當出色,財政結餘排名中等偏上。因此,新冠疫情並非當前赤字問題的主要原因。這背後涉及其他結構性和政策方面的因素。

相較內地各地方政府的財政狀況,香港的表現略為佔優。受經濟轉型、房地產行業衰退以及地方政府債務等多重因素的疊加影響,內地各地的財政赤字[1]普遍處於較高水平(【圖3】)。儘管如此,經濟較發達地區的財政狀況相對較為理想,包括北京、廣東以及長江三角洲(上海、江蘇、浙江等),赤字水平與香港接近。

總的來說,當前香港的赤字水平在全國範圍內相對處於較佳狀態,但相對於自身歷史及其他發達經濟體,赤字水平仍屬偏高。

2. 財政結餘的周期性與結構性


經濟周期是影響政府財政狀況的關鍵因素之一。政府財政結餘可以劃分為兩大類別:周期性與結構性結餘。周期性結餘主要由經濟周期所驅動。當經濟陷入衰退,政府收入自然減少,而經濟刺激計劃、失業救濟等支出則相應增加,以致產生財政赤字。隨着經濟復甦,赤字將逐漸縮減乃至消失。然而,結構性財政結餘則與經濟周期關係較小,往往反映政府財政收支結構不平衡。即便整體經濟處於潛在產出水平,並正在穩定增長,政府仍會受結構性因素影響而入不敷支。這類財赤大多源於社會福利、公共服務、基礎設施建設等領域的投入。周期性財政赤字的期限與經濟周期吻合,而結構性赤字歷時則長短不一,視乎政策行動的力度。

儘管在經濟學理論上,周期性財政結餘與結構性財政結餘涇渭分明,但在實際分析中,兩者都沒有直接可觀測的數據,通常需要借助模型進行估算。為確保結論穩健,本文採用多種方法估算這兩類財政結餘。以下結果主要基於國際貨幣基金組織的估算。

在【圖4】中,經濟周期被量化為當前本地生產總值與潛在產出水平之間的百分比差距。舉例而言,2018年經濟活動繁榮,其水平高出潛在產出約4%,相較之下,2009年的全球金融危機以及2020年的新冠疫情期間,經濟活動均低於潛在產出水平約4%。從圖中可見,以柱狀線標示的周期性財政結餘與這些經濟周期顯然同步。鑑於近年來全球經濟增速放緩,香港財政結餘中的周期性成分承受了頗大壓力,以致周期性赤字在2000至2023年期間處於高水平。

結構性結餘雖然與經濟周期並無直接關聯,然而在2000至2023年期間,結構性赤字卻依然上升,並且在最近兩年成為赤字的主要驅動因素。由此可見,香港難以單靠經濟自然復甦擺脫當前財政困境。

再檢視【圖2】中的國際數據對比,在2020至2021年期間,由於經濟衰退的影響,許多國家都出現周期性赤字偏高,甚至超越結構性赤字的現象。雖然香港總赤字排名處於中游位置,但單以結構性赤字而論,香港的財政狀況仍屬較為穩健。進入2022至2023年度,隨着各國經濟復甦,全球周期性赤字已見減少,而結構性結餘對財政狀況更見舉足輕重。儘管在總赤字的排名中,香港位列第二,但結構性赤字則排名第六,與許多發達經濟體較為接近,表現令人稍感欣慰。

上文的周期性和結構性分析,是評估財政可持續性的一種有效方法。此外,剖析財政結餘的變化來源亦有另一方法可用。對比【圖4】中顯示的周期性和結構性結餘,可見周期性結餘大幅波動,既可持續數年維持在大約5%的高峰水平,亦可跌至-5%的低谷。相較之下,結構性結餘走勢則較為平穩,一般保持在2%以內。香港整體財政狀況的周期性波動有限,歷年來的財政結餘大致上來自結構性政策的調整與改革。

運用方差分解的統計方法,可以量化出結構性盈餘波動佔香港所有財政盈餘的80%,以致香港在這方面世界排名第九。香港結構性波動高,部分原因在於政府在民生、醫療、房屋等長期項目上的政策演變。由於大部分結構性赤字都與政策取捨息息相關,假使政府願意縮減部分政策的規模,就能迅速恢復結構性盈餘。相反,若一個經濟體的赤字主要屬周期性,則政府政策改變亦難望顯著收效。

分析周期性和結構性赤字的性質,可以得出以下結論。首先,香港無法單靠經濟增長加速來緩解財政赤字。其次,香港在相當程度上掌控其赤字波動的主動權。最後,在後疫情時代,全球的財政政策都已歷經結構性變化,因而普遍面臨結構性赤字的挑戰。當前香港的結構性赤字處於頗高水平。

3. 土地財政


本節進一步探討結構性赤字的根源。在香港的財政收入結構中,土地收入是一大收入來源。土地相關的收入主要來自地價、印花稅、差餉、地租等多種形式。近年來,隨着房地產市場降溫,土地拍賣和物業交易停滯,土地收入因此下降。近25年來,平均而言,印花稅和地價收入佔政府總收入19.0%,而一般差餉、物業及投資(主要為地租)、物業稅則佔8.3%,兩方面合佔總收入27.3%。但這一佔比在2023年度下跌至16.3%。其中反映的並非政府收入對土地收入的依賴度有所下降,而恰恰說明對土地的依賴度很高,致房市衰退時對財政造成了衝擊。

在分析財政穩健性時,切不可單單考慮收入佔比,還須注意風險屬性。土地收入雖只佔總收入中的一小部分,其波幅卻甚高。政府收入的變化,可分解為土地和非土地收入的變動。如【圖5】所示,印花稅和土地收入波動是收入波動的最主要因素。政府收入份額在2021和2022兩個財政年分別下降了2.0%和3.7%,其中來自印花稅和土地收入的跌幅分別為3.1%和2.0%。值得注意的是,非土地收入在2022年實有所增加。

至於近25年來,通過方差分解分析顯示,印花稅和地價收入佔財政收入波動的60%,一般差餉、物業及投資、物業稅等土地相關收入則維持相對穩定,只佔收入波動的2%。非土地收入則佔其餘38%。

正如上文解釋,土地收入雖然只佔總收入的一小部分,卻成為收入波動的主要成因。這一現象可以類比投資理論:當投資者在高風險股票與無風險債券之間做資產配置時,即使只將一小部分資產配置給股票,股票波動亦足以構成投資組合波動的主因。所以,資產配置的比例固然重要,不同資產對整體風險的影響也不可忽略。土地收入雖只佔總收入20%,卻佔財政風險的60%。以此投資理論為鑑,就應著眼於土地收入的風險因素,而多做情景分析和模擬測試,力求減低不可控制的風險,避免出現土地收入引致整體財政赤字大增的情況。

同一道理,內地地方政府也對土地收入高度依賴。對比2013至2023年的數據(【圖6】),香港所佔的收入份額為31.9%,排名第十,但在波動性方面則位居全國前列,僅次於江蘇、浙江、安徽、廣東數省。值得注意的是,這些省份雖然土地收入波動性佔比很高,但也是全國財政赤字最低的幾個省份,已經採取了較為穩健的財政策略。

土地收入的波動與房屋價格緊密相關。房價上漲通常會刺激房地產市場和土地交易,從而增加印花稅和地價收入。自2021年以來,香港房價跌勢顯著。究竟房價下跌在多大程度上引致土地收入下降呢?通過分析香港近25年的數據,房價上漲確實與土地收入呈正向的關係。房價每上升1%,土地收入對本地生產總值的比率就會上升0.046%。在對內地地方政府數據進行面板數據回歸分析時,房價對土地收入的影響系數為0.03,這一數值低於香港的影響系數,表明香港的土地收入對房價變動的敏感度較高。

2021年至2024年3月期間,根據特區政府差餉物業估價署的私人住宅售價指數,房價下跌了21%,相應地,土地收入比例相應下降約1%。然而,同期土地收入佔比則從2021年的6.1%下降到2023年的1.1%,可見近年來香港土地收入下滑並非完全由房價下跌所導致,而是受到多種因素影響。

4. 財政預測


根據特區政府最新一份財政預算案,當局已實施一系列的財政整合措施,開源節流,力圖實現收支平衡。預計在未來幾年中,財政赤字將逐年縮減,而在2027年回復盈餘。縱使基於這一預測,當前赤字只屬短暫性而可控,但由於財政預測的複雜性,過於樂觀的估計在世界各地屢見不鮮。

鑑於歷年的財政預算及其中預測的準確性,可見特區政府審慎理財的保守作風。【圖7】展現出財政預算與實際收支之間的差距。在2004至2019年長達15年期間,政府經常低估收入,僅在近5年內高估收入,但仍在2021年低估經濟復甦步伐。在支出方面,特區政府雖亦曾於2020年大幅高估支出,但其支出預測已證實較收入預測準確。在此預測模式影響下,財政盈餘長期被低估,印證了政府審慎理財政策。

長期財政預測殊非易事,皆因未來的支出和收入存在諸多不確定性。然而,香港的財政預測卻呈現明顯的一致性,其5年期預測與1年期的誤差幅度相差無幾,可見對未來財政狀況高度掌握,而政府亦能有效執行計劃中的各項策略,從而使長期財政政策的風險維持在較低水平。

5. 財政儲備


公眾對香港財政狀況的疑慮,通常集中在政府的財政儲備上。政府不但負債極低,更擁有豐厚的財政儲備。目前,特區的財政儲備對本地生產總值的比率為25%,這一規模在全球發達經濟體中名列前茅(【圖8】)。

與此同時,亦有論者聚焦於目前的財政儲備能夠維持政府多少個月開支。如今這個數字跌至12個月,於是引來對財政儲備捉襟見肘的顧慮,其實大可不必。一方面,這一指標完全忽略了財政收入,而財政收入通常都足以抵銷財政支出。即使目前的高赤字水平持續,消耗完所有的財政儲備也需5年時間,遠遠超過12個月。況且現時赤字水平在歷史上甚為罕見,其持續下去的可能性不高。

話說回來,怎樣才算是合適的財政儲備水平,倒是值得探討的議題。在理想的情況下,政府應該維持收支平衡,但這並不意味著任何時候都應實現財政平衡。鑑於經濟波動和結構性因素的影響,政府可以在經濟繁榮且結構性支出較少的時期,通過財政盈餘積累儲備。這些儲備主要用於應對可能出現的經濟衰退,紓解民困,穩定經濟,以及應付結構性支出,例如人口老齡化、社會福利、教育和基礎設施等方面所需。這正是特區政府在過去十幾年來一直推行的策略,使得財政儲備從2004年的22%增長到2019年的42% (【圖7】)。香港一直充分利用的這些累積儲備金,足以填補近年來的財政虧損。即使近幾年來財政儲備因赤字而漸減,目前仍然高於2004年的水平。

維持一定程度的財政儲備自然有其益處,但儲備過量卻可能適得其反。從經濟學理論來看,同樣的財富由國民持有較政府持有更具效益,這有助於降低交易成本、信息成本和代理成本。這也與我國歷來「藏富於民」的理念一脈相承,政府理應善用財政儲備。假設過去5年經濟並無衰退,儲備持續創新高,政府可以考慮通過增加開支、提供補貼、減稅等方式,來適度降低儲備水平。

在討論財政儲備之際,必須區分財政儲備和外匯儲備兩個概念。傳統觀點認為,新興市場經濟體礙於借款能力較弱,在面臨危機時可能無法籌集到足夠資金,或需要依賴自身的財政儲備。然而,應對國際危機所需的很多時其實是外匯儲備,而非財政儲備。一個經濟體可以在持有債務之餘,亦儲備大量外匯以應對國際收支危機和匯率波動。觀乎香港的發展階段,融資便利而成本低,有助於減低財政儲備的必要性。對於外匯儲備而言,香港的外匯基金擁有龐大的資產和股票,具備足夠資源來維持其聯繫匯率制度,這一點在本學院去年的《香港經濟政策綠皮書》中也刊載了相關分析。

6. 發行債券


有別於香港,其他各大經濟體並無香港豐厚的財政儲備。在新冠疫情來臨之前,主要的發達國家都已經債台高築,美國多次觸及法定債務上限,造成「財政懸崖」和政府停擺的後果,而歐債危機則波及歐元區的半數國家。儘管歐債危機過後,世界經濟發展平穩,但各國並沒有遵循未雨綢繆的財政原則,努力降低赤字和債務水平。因此,當2020年全球性的危機突然出現,各國的財政空間已經非常有限。儘管如此,各國仍出台了大量刺激經濟措施,進一步加重債務負擔。截至2023年底,許多國家的債務水平已經達到歷史高位,接近其國內生產總值的100%。

各國的行動凸顯出逆周期財政刺激策略的重要性,即使債台高築也要義無反顧地擴大財政支出。儘管香港特區政府可以憑藉充足的儲備應對危機,但高負債國家都能取得足夠資金來彌補財政赤字。這樣看來,是否需要財政儲備來應對危機,實在值得商榷。

傳統觀點認為,風調雨順時通過財政盈餘積累儲備,暴風雨來臨之際透過借債彌補財赤,長期而言以維持收支平衡為目標。理論上的最佳儲備或債務水平雖仍待研究,卻未必一定要為零。例如平時相對於本地生產總值30%的債務水平,在經濟衰退時提升至50%,在經濟增長時則減至10%,大概可視為穩建而可持續的策略。

香港在2009年開始根據政府債券計劃發行債券,借款上限從一開始的1,000億元逐步提高至現在的3,000億元。之後,政府為加大對可持續發展的支持,發行基礎建設債券計劃及政府可持續債券計劃,合計額度為5,000億元。截止至2024年4月,政府債券對本地生產總值的比率約為14.7%,既低於本港財政儲備,亦遠低於大多數發達經濟體的發債水平。

發行債券確實一舉多得。對於政府,債券可以緩解短期的財政壓力,並為長期的基建項目提供穩定的資金來源。特區政府的債務成本很低,甚至低於被視為全球安全資產的美國國債;例如在2024年3月14日發行的20年期重開債券,收益率為4.392%,而當天同一期限的美國國債收益率則為4.492%。同樣,2024年10月23日發行的3年期債券收益率為2.952%,而相應的美國國債收益率則為4.041%。這種低利率不僅源於香港政府卓越的信用,還反映出市場上債券供不應求以及其他結構性因素。

政府發行的無風險債券是資本市場的重要基石。債券供應充足,可以滿足投資者對以港元計值安全資產的需求,從而提高市場的流動性。無風險收益率曲線為釐定風險資產價格樹立重要基準。在經濟學理論中,「不完全市場」可能導致資源無法最優化配置,風險難以控制,造成社會福利損失。政府債券可以填補這些漏洞,有助市場變得「完全」。政府即使沒有融資需求,也可充當安全資產的供應方,以解決市場失靈的問題。

香港作為離岸人民幣中心,發行以人民幣計價的政府債券,可以擴大離岸人民幣的投資者基礎,這是推動人民幣國際化的有效手段。香港目前的債務規模較小,人民幣資產只佔其中8%。增發以人民幣計價的債券既有助於建立較成熟的市場,亦能擴闊人民幣資產在全球的投資範圍。當本地投資標的更多,流動性更充裕,市場更為成熟時,全球的投資者將更願意持有和在更多的投資、貿易等情景中使用人民幣。

在現時的經濟氣候下,尤其有鑑於近期曾經多次加息,可能很多人會聞債色變。但是,需要注意的是,全球通脹導致的利率上升主要是名義性質,經通貨膨脹的調整後實際利率不高,而且在過去幾十年中一直處於下降趨勢。

其次,內地地方政府債務問題不斷發酵,化解債務已成為從上至下的共同目標,對新增債務實施了嚴格管控。那麼,香港是否應該逆流而上?地方債務累積十餘年,其出發點是事權與財權不匹配,導火線是經濟下行與債務風險管理問題。香港與內地出發點類似,但背後情況各有不同。巧婦難為無米之炊。香港政府目前有多項惠及市民福利和社會長遠發展的支出項目。以低稅收、「小政府」的收入模式提供「大政府」的社會服務,不可避免會產生短期財政失衡。香港擁有充足的財政儲備,並無淨債務之憂。讓事權與財權匹配,利用好現有的財政儲備,以及在債券計劃額度內適當發行債務,不失為明智之舉。

當然,需要做到膽大心細,在過程中進行審慎的風險評估和管理,以確保債務風險可控。市場是債務狀況的晴雨表。債券收益率的顯著上升作為一個警示信號,提示政府須加強預防措施,提前化解潛在的債務危機。

7. 結語


香港近年來的赤字水平偏高,在發達經濟體中排名前列。赤字中大部分源自結構性赤字,不能單靠經濟增長的被動方式來緩解,而需要主動調整財政政策。土地收入貢獻了相當比例的財政收入,但其波動也造成高風險,而往往引發收入波動,因而需要實行更審慎的風險管理。土地收入減少,除了房價下跌以外,還有其他因素。

展望未來,政府需要在緩解赤字與推行財政政策之間做出平衡。政府已積極主動調整財政政策,根據現時預測,可望在數年內回復盈餘。鑑於特區政府的財政預測作風穩健,歷史上準確性高,這些預測也因而可信。

香港在多年來累積了充足的財政儲備。近幾年有所下降,但現今儲備水平仍處世界前列,下行風險有限。政府也不需要以不斷累積儲備為目標。近年的儲備下降不僅無需擔心,更可視為善用財政儲備的案例。

另外,特區政府應當充分利用政府債券計劃的額度,為基礎設施建設投資籌募資金,而無損長期財政的可持續性,並且藉此促進資本市場發展和人民幣國際化。

 

圖1 – 香港財政結餘、收入和支出



資料來源:香港特區政府統計處

 

圖2A – 2022和2023財政年度發達經濟體的周期性和結構性結餘



資料來源:國際貨幣基金組織

 

圖2B – 2020和2021財政年度發達經濟體的周期性和結構性結餘



資料來源:國際貨幣基金組織

 

圖3 – 內地地方政府和香港特區的財政結餘



資料來源:國家統計局、中國經濟金融研究數據庫

 

圖4 – 經濟周期、周期性結餘和結構性結餘



資料來源:國際貨幣基金組織

 

圖5 – 按政府收入來源劃分收入/本地生產總值的年變化



資料來源:香港特區政府統計處、稅務局

 

圖6 – 土地收入佔比以及內地地方政府和香港特區的方差佔比



資料來源:國家統計局、中國經濟金融研究數據庫、省財政廳

 

圖7 – 香港財政預測



資料來源:香港特區政府財政預算

 

圖8 – 發達經濟體債務和儲備



資料來源:國際貨幣基金組織

 

[1] 財政結餘包括「四本賬」,即一般公共預算、政府基金預算、國有資本經營預算、社會保險基金預算。