One Year on: a Review of Trump’s Reciprocal Tariffs

Tomorrow marks the first anniversary of the reciprocal tariff war initiated by Donald Trump against the world. On 2 April 2025, he swaggeringly announced in the White House Rose Garden that the day was America’s “Liberation Day”, claiming that after the US had been ripped off by other countries through trade over the years, it…


Dr Yim-fai Luk

1 April 2026

Tomorrow marks the first anniversary of the reciprocal tariff war initiated by Donald Trump against the world. On 2 April 2025, he swaggeringly announced in the White House Rose Garden that the day was America’s “Liberation Day”, claiming that after the US had been ripped off by other countries through trade over the years, it was time for the country to strike back with reciprocal tariffs. The use of the word “reciprocal” is more in the sense of tit-for-tat than of “equal” tariff rates. He had also come up with tariff rates for all economies, including the uninhabited Heard and McDonald Islands near Antarctica. For the better part of 2025, tariff negotiations between the US and other economies, particularly China, dominated the international economic agenda.

Trump is utterly convinced of the power of tariffs, regarding them as an “ultimate weapon” against other countries. To him, reciprocal tariffs form a cornerstone of his economic and diplomatic policies while in office. Apart from bragging about them on social media, he uncharacteristically published an article entitled “My Tariffs Have Brought America Back” (see Note 1) in Wall Street Journal on 30 January 2026. This appears to have been the only time he expressed his views in the print media during his presidency. While the piece is typical braggadocio and does not hold up to fact-checking, it also reflects the importance of reciprocal tariffs to him. After all, the last such large-scale tariff policy dates back to 1930, when the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act was introduced in the US. The then US president Herbert Hoover raised tariffs on 20,000 imported goods, prompting other countries to retaliate in kind. As a result of the trade clash, global trade shrank by two-thirds within just a few years, deepening the woes of the Great Depression. Given such a cautionary precedent, why still impose reciprocal tariffs? Below are several of the more commonly cited motivations.

The first is the above-mentioned goal of eliminating the trade deficit. America’s trade deficit already reached US$0.91 trillion in 2025. In comparison with that at US$0.9 trillion in 2024, the effect of the reciprocal tariffs implemented in the intervening eight months is not evident at all. However, this figure covers trade in goods and services. Over the years, the US has run a surplus in services trade, which Trump obviously does not regard as a consequence of America ripping other countries off. Given that tariffs do not apply to services trade, looking only at goods trade, America’s trade deficit widened, instead of falling, from US$1.2 trillion in 2024 to US$1.23 trillion in 2025. This may have stemmed from greatly increased imports by many companies before Liberation Day to build up inventories, but even so, large-scale tariff hikes targeting various economies cannot offset America’s goods trade deficit. From a macro perspective, at the end of the day, the trade deficit is the result of excessive nationwide overconsumption, including spending by the government, companies, and households, as well as overconsumption of both domestic and foreign products. Tariffs have little impact on this total consumption, especially government spending. Over the 50 years from 1976 to 2025, the US federal government expenditure averaged 21.2% of GDP, rising to 23.1% in 2025. In 2026, the estimate is 23.3% and the estimate for 2036 is projected to be 24.4% of GDP. During his second term as president, Trump once placed Elon Musk in charge of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) to cut government spending, but the department vanished in less than a year.

Another policy objective is to reinvigorate US manufacturing. The decline of America’s manufacturing industry, such as the downturn in shipbuilding, could compromise national security. However, tariffs are not a viable solution to these problems. First of all, US manufacturing is quite reliant on imported semi-finished goods, which account on average for approximately 30% of output value and in some industries, e.g. pharmaceuticals, the figure exceeds 50%. Tariffs increase the price of such semi-finished goods imported by American manufacturers, thereby pushing up production costs. Originally intended to protect domestic industries, tariffs end up inflicting self-harm as well. Slightly over 20% of America’s imports of semi-finished goods come from China. One can imagine the impact on American manufacturers if tariff rates are at the 125% level seen before. Apart from China’s restrictions on rare-earth exports, this is probably another reason why Trump has backed down to China.

Another related issue is employment in manufacturing. That tariffs can enable American workers to reclaim jobs from foreign workers has been a political and economic myth since Trump’s first term in office, which has won him a large number of votes. Nevertheless, employment data shows that instead of rising as a result of reciprocal tariffs, the number of Americans employed in manufacturing slightly dropped from 12.66 million in April 2025 to 12.53 million in February 2026. Manufacturing output, by contrast, surged during the same period. The higher output generated by a smaller labour force reflects an enhancement of labour productivity. Apart from the loss of competitiveness to emerging economies, the continued fall in the number of American manufacturing workers can mainly be attributed to advances in production technology that have replaced human labour. Even without accounting for technological innovation, for increased tariffs to offset the wage gap between American manufacturing workers and their counterparts in developing countries, tariff rates might have to reach an unrealistic several hundred percentage points, making such a move economically counterproductive.

Another objective of reciprocal tariffs is to generate fiscal revenue, which explains why Trump has cast a wide tariff net covering all corners of the world, including the UK and Australia, with which America has a trade surplus. According to data from the Peterson Institute for International Economics (see Note 2), in the 13 months between January 2025 and January 2026, America’s tariff revenue was US$290 billion, while the US federal government’s fiscal deficit was US$3.72 trillion. The US government has been in the red for years, with the fiscal deficit growing faster than the economy, a trend that tariffs are far from reversing. Also related to this issue is whether the tariff revenue comes from foreign countries or the US itself. While Trump has repeatedly emphasized that the tariffs are paid by foreign exporters, a research study by Harvard University has calculated that approximately 94% of the tariffs are paid by US importers and consumers (see Note 3). A survey conducted at the end of February 2026 (see Note 4) shows that 70% of Americans think the tariffs have pushed up their living costs, and even 64% of Republican voters think likewise. Under the influence of the ongoing war in the Middle East, prices are unlikely to come down this year, and the conflict is a crisis of Trump’s making. Inflation was the main reason why Trump and the Republicans won a landslide victory over the Democrats in the presidential election two years ago. There is no telling how many seats in the Congress the Republicans will lose in the midterm elections at the end of this year.

For Trump, tariffs are an effective tool he can use on a whim to coerce foreign countries to satisfy his demands. In his article published in the aforementioned Wall Street Journal, Trump boasts that by threatening other countries with tariffs, he has secured US$18 trillion worth of foreign investment for America in less than a year. The figure is an exaggeration, but in tariff negotiations, some countries, such as Japan and South Korea, have indeed pledged to invest in the US in exchange for tariff reductions. However, few related reports have gone into detail, e.g. how and when the pledged foreign investment will materialize, and whether it will be carried out through governments or private enterprises. It seems some countries may be stringing Trump along. But what matters more is that international investment falls under the capital account. In balance-of-payments accounting, if the central bank does not intervene in the foreign exchange market, the sum of the capital account and the current account should equal zero. When foreign nations invest in the US, the US records a capital-account surplus, which is reflected in the current account as a deficit. Since trade is the main component of the current account, a current-account deficit is most likely to correspond to a trade deficit. Think of it this way: for foreign countries to invest in the US, they must first have US dollars. Where do those dollars come from? Ultimately, they have to come from exports to the US, i.e. from the US trade deficit. In other words, by coercing foreign countries to invest in the US, Trump will end up creating a trade deficit for the country. This directly contradicts his aim of reducing the US trade deficit.

On 20 February 2026, the US Supreme Court ruled that the US president had no authority to invoke the International Emergency Economic Powers Act to impose tariffs, greatly limiting his room to wield the tariff stick. A few days later, Trump cited Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 as the legal basis for continuing to levy tariffs averaging about 13%, which is lower than the previous average of 16%, but subject to a 150-day deadline.

All in all, Trump’s reciprocal tariffs arrived with serious menace but ended up causing more thunder than rain. Their impact is way less than he expected or fantasized. With the exception of China, America’s other major trading partners have neither the capacity nor strategic judgment to retaliate against the US. Therefore, there has been no tit-for-tat tariff escalation like that of the 1930s, and the global economy has not sunk into a quagmire as a result of the reciprocal tariffs. According to World Bank estimates, the global economy grew by 2.7% in 2025, only slightly lower than the 2.8% recorded in both 2023 and 2024. Even so, the reciprocal tariffs have clearly highlighted US unilateralism, which has eroded the country’s international credibility, while further exposing the ineffectiveness of international trade rules and the World Trade Organization (WTO). At the WTO’s 14th Ministerial Conference, held in Cameroon last week, many members expressed a strong desire to reform the WTO. Yet due to divided opinions and a lack of clear leadership, no consensus was reached. Returning to the current situation in the Middle East, the world has now entered a period of great upheaval before fundamental reconstruction can begin. One can only hope that this turbulent period will soon give way to renewal and better times.

Note 1: https://www.wsj.com/opinion/donald-j-trump-my-tariffs-have-brought-america-back-2248391b

Note 2: https://www.piie.com/research/piie-charts/2025/trumps-tariff-revenue-tracker-how-much-us-collecting-which-imports-are

Note 3: https://gopinath.scholars.harvard.edu/publication/incidence-tariffs-rates-and-reality-0

Note 4: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/13/trump-tariffs-poll

 

Translation

對等關稅一周年  製造仍弱貿赤升

特朗普對全球發起的對等關稅戰,到明天便整整一年。去年的4月2日,他在白宮玫瑰園意氣風發地宣佈當天是美國的「解放日」,說多年來其他國家通過貿易掠奪美國,當天是美國以對等關稅(reciprocal tariffs)來還擊的時候。所謂對等,並非指相同稅率,而是「你不仁、我不義」的意思。他還計算好對每個經濟體徵收的稅率,包括接近南極洲無人居住的赫德及麥當勞群島。隨後的大半年,國際經濟的焦點都集中在美國和其他經濟體、特別是中國、的關稅談判。

特朗普對關稅的功能深信不疑,認為是對外國的「必殺技」。在他看來,對等關稅是他任内經濟和外交政策的主要基石。他除了在社交媒體上侃侃而談外,還罕有地在本年1月30日在《華爾街日報》發表評論,題為《我的關稅讓美國重回正軌》(“My tariffs have brought America back”) 【註1】。這似乎是他在總統任內在紙媒發表意見的唯一一次。雖然內容是慣性的自吹自擂,經不起事實查證,但也反映出對等關稅在他心中的重要性。畢竟,上一次如此大動作的關稅政策,要追溯到1930年美國的《斯姆特-霍利關稅法案》(Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act)。當時胡佛總統對進口的二萬種商品提高關稅,引起外國的以牙還牙,互相廝殺後全球貿易額在數年內迅速縮減三分之二,加深了經濟大蕭條的困境。既然有前車之鑑,為何還要推行對等關稅?下面是較多被提及的幾個動機。

首先是上面提到的消除貿易逆差。美國的逆差在2025年為0.91萬億美元,和2024年的 0.90萬億比較,看不出對等關稅實施了8個月的作用。但這數字包括商品貿易和服務貿易。美國多年來在服務貿易方面都有順差,特朗普當然不認爲這是美國掠奪外國的結果。由於關稅不施用於服務貿易,若只看商品貿易,美國的逆差由2024年的1.20萬億增加至2025年的1.23萬億美元,不跌反升。其中或有眾多企業在解放日前大量進口增加庫存的結果,但即使如此,大幅度針對各經濟體的關稅,並不能取消美國的商品貿易逆差。從宏觀的角度看,貿易逆差歸根究底是全國消費過高的結果,包括政府、企業和家庭消費,也包括對本國和外國產品的消費。關稅對這些消費總值的影響不大,特別是美國政府的開支。美國聯邦政府在1976至2025的50年中,平均開支是GDP的21.2%,去年增加至23.1%,而今年的估計是23.3%,十年後2036年的估計更達到24.4%。特朗普2.0開始時還有找馬斯克負責「政府效率部」(DOGE)削減政府開支,但該部門約大半年後便無聲消失。

另一個政策目的是重振美國製造業。美國製造業的萎縮,如造船業的式微,或會影響到國家安全。然而,關稅並非解決問題的良方。首先是美國製造業相當依賴進口的半工業製成品,平均約產值的 30%,一些行業如製藥業更高於50%。關稅增加了美國生產商進口這些半工業產品的價格,推高生產成本。關稅原意是保護本國工業,結果是損人害己。美國半工業產品的最大進口來源是中國,稍高於20%,如果關稅是曾經出現過的125%,對美國工業生產商的影響可想而知。這大概是除了中國限制稀土出口外,特朗普對中國退讓的一個原因。

和製造業有關的是製造業的就業。關稅會為美國製造業工人從外國工人手中奪回工作崗位,這是自特朗普1.0以來的政經神話,曾幫他獲得大量選票。然而,就業數據顯示,美國製造業的就業人數 從去年4月的1266萬輕微下跌至本年2月的1253萬,並沒有因對等關稅上升,但同期的製造業產值則有增加,較少的勞動力生產較多的產值,反映出勞動生產率的提高。美國多年來製造業工人的數目持續下降,除了競爭力不及冒起的發展中國家外,主要是生產技術的進步替代了勞動力。即使不考慮技術創新,若要以增加關稅來抵消美國和發展中國家製造業工人工資的差距,那有關稅率可能達到不切實際的數百個百分點,對經濟來說是得不償失。

對等關稅的另一個目的是財政收入,這解釋了為何特朗普將稅網撒至全球每一角落,包括美國與之有貿易順差的英國和澳洲。據彼得森國際經濟研究所的數字【註2】,2025年1月至2026年1月的13個月內,美國的關稅收入為2900億美元。同期,美國聯邦政府財政赤字為3.72萬億美元。美國政府多年來入不敷支、財赤增長高於經濟增長的狀況,遠非關稅可以扭轉。和這個議題有關的,是稅款來自外國還是美國。特朗普多次強調稅款由外國出口商支付,但哈佛大學的一份研究,則計算出約94%關稅來自美國進口商和消費者【註3】。今年2月底的一次調查顯示【註4】,70%的美國人認為關稅拉高了他們的生活成本,即使共和黨選民也有64%這樣看。在當前中東戰局的影響下,物價難以在今年下降,而中東戰局也是特朗普搞出來的戲碼。通脹是兩年前總統大選中特朗普和共和黨大勝民主黨的主要原因。今年年底的中期選舉,共和黨不知會失去多少國會議席。

對特朗普而言,關稅是可以隨時用來威迫外國、滿足一己索求的有效工具。他在上述《華爾街日報》的文章中,自詡以關稅威脅外國,為美國在不到一年內爭取到18萬億外國投資。這個數字是他的誇張陳述,但在關稅談判中,確實有外國承諾在美國投資,換取美國減低關稅的情況,如日本和韓國。然而,有關的報道都很少涉及詳細內容,如外國承諾的投資如何落實、何時落實、通過政府還是私營企業去做等等,其中或有外國忽悠特朗普的成分。不過更重要的,是國際投資屬資本帳項目。在對外收支會計中,若央行不介入外匯市場,資本帳和經常帳的總和應等於零。外國在美國投資,美國的資本帳上便有順差,反映在經常帳中便是逆差。經常帳中的主要項目是貿易,經常帳逆差的背後極大可能就是貿易逆差。可以這樣理解,外國在美國投資,需要先有美元。這些美元從何而來?還得靠出口到美國,也就是美國的外貿逆差。換句話說,特朗普脅逼外國在美國投資,結果會造成美國的貿易逆差,這和他想減少貿易逆差的意願直接矛盾。

本年2月20日,美國高等法院裁定美國總統沒有權力引用《國際緊急經濟權力法》(International Emergency Economic Powers Act) 來徵收關稅,大大壓縮了他揮舞關稅大棒的空間。他在數天後以1974年貿易法案第122條款作為法律根據,繼續徵收平均約13%的關稅,低於之前的平均16% ,但同時面對150天的期限。

總的來說,特朗普的對等關稅來勢洶洶,但雷聲大雨點小,效果遠低於他的預期或妄想。 除了中國外,美國的其他主要貿易夥伴,都沒有還擊美國的能力和智慧,因此沒有出現1930年代在關稅上的你來我往,全球經濟未至因對等關稅陷入泥淖。據世界銀行估計,去年全球經濟的增長率為2.7%,只略低於2023和2024年的2.8%。然而,對等關稅明顯突出美國的單邊主義,消耗了美國的國際信用,與及進一步指出國際貿易規則和WTO 的失效。上星期在喀麥隆舉行的WTO第14次部長級會議中,即使眾多成員都表示出改革WTO的強烈意願,但因意見分歧、群龍無首,最終沒有達致共識。回頭再看中東的局面,當前的世界,已邁入了大立之前的大破,望可早日否極泰來。

【註1】https://www.wsj.com/opinion/donald-j-trump-my-tariffs-have-brought-america-back-2248391b

【註2】https://www.piie.com/research/piie-charts/2025/trumps-tariff-revenue-tracker-how-much-us-collecting-which-imports-are

【註3】https://gopinath.scholars.harvard.edu/publication/incidence-tariffs-rates-and-reality-0

【註4】https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/13/trump-tariffs-poll

 

陸炎輝教授
港大經管學院榮譽副教授

(本文同時於二零二六年四月一日載於《信報》「龍虎山下」專欄)