How to Create a Triple-Win Situation in the Platform Economy

The gig economy is rapidly growing, raising critical questions for policymakers about balancing workers’ rights, business interests, and technological advancement. By 2027, gig workers are expected to make up 51% of the US workforce. Hong Kong faces similar challenges, necessitating improvements in its traditional labour protection system.


Professor Heiwai Tang, Mr Benson Lam, and Mr Cyrus Cheung

25 September 2024

 

Now that the gig economy has become a global trend, striking a delicate balance among labour rights, business interests, and technological advancements is a focal point for policymakers around the world. According to Statista data, gig workers are estimated to make up 51% of the American workforce by 2027. In Hong Kong, as more and more people take on short-term contract and freelance jobs, there is room for improvement in the conventional labour protection system.

The interactions of labour rights, commercial interests, and technology are so complex that policymakers and industry leaders must walk a fine line to find the right balance. On the one hand, technological advancements and low costs of gig work provide the conditions for the take-off of the platform economy, which, in turn, has created a great variety of flexible, autonomous jobs as alternative sources of income beyond traditional employment. On the other hand, the market dominance of platform companies has drastically weakened the bargaining power of gig workers, who find themselves at the mercy of the companies.

Against this backdrop, this article aims to give an overview of changes in labour laws in Mainland China, the US, the UK, and Singapore, in an effort to spark further policy discussions on the gig economy. Admittedly, local situation varies across countries while policy outcome remains to be seen. While referencing experiences from overseas, it is essential to consider the local situation so as to balance business innovation and development against the need to protect gig workers’ interests by setting a sustainable development framework.

Taking a page from the Mainland, the US, the UK, and Singapore

The gig economy is thriving in the Mainland. In a recent internal letter, Meituan CEO Wang Xing reportedly disclosed that in 2023, a total of 7.45 million food delivery riders received remuneration exceeding RMB80 billion from the Meituan platform. Apart from these riders, gig jobs like ride-hailing drivers or content creators are also very common in the Mainland.  The general public is increasingly concerned about the social responsibility of big platform honchos regarding the protection of gig workers’ rights. Under the guidance of departments such as the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, the online food delivery platform Ele.me signed the industry’s first collective contract covering its entire service network with more than three million riders in July 2023. This action was taken in response to riders’ concerns about protecting workers’ rights, insurance benefits, grievance redress channels, etc. Ele.me has now established a dispute arbitration centre in Shanghai to optimize its internal dispute resolution mechanism.

In the face of the expanding gig economy, the Chinese government has come to play a prominent role in protecting labour rights and benefits. In 2024, the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security issued a series of documents, including the Guidelines for Guaranteeing the Rest and Labour Remuneration Rights and Interests of Workers in New Forms of Employment and the Service Guidelines for Safeguarding the Rights and Interests of Workers in New Forms of Employment. These guidelines define the rights of “workers under new employment arrangements” in three areas — wage standards, rest time, and channels for rights protection. The government policy stipulates that salaries of workers in new forms of employment should match local minimum wages per hour. If workers are required to work on statutory holidays, they should receive higher wages than for normal working hours. To ensure that workers have necessary rest time, the regulations mandate that once a worker’s hours reach the specified limit, platforms must immediately stop sending them orders for a certain time. If their labour rights are compromised, these workers can seek protection through the company’s internal dispute resolution process or through rights protection services provided by trade unions, relevant departments, and agencies.

In the US, innovation and technology enable companies to leverage digital platforms to develop their markets while the government’s role lies in ensuring fair labour practices. Generally speaking, only “employees” are protected by federal and state labour laws. However, some better-developed states have put in place their own legislation to protect gig workers’ rights. For example, New York passed the rule in 2023 to significantly adjust the minimum pay rate of delivery workers from US$7.09 to US$17.96. Unfortunately, the city’s decision drew ire from the industry: Platform companies such as Uber Eats, DoorDash, and Grubhub have filed lawsuits with US courts. Meanwhile, the companies are transferring the costs of raised wages to restaurants and consumers. With the rise in delivery fees, consumers have started to order less through food delivery platforms, leading to livelihood difficulties for delivery riders.

Labour relations in the UK encompass three types of employment classification: employees, workers, and the self-employed. In 2016, Uber drivers took their employer to court, claiming that they should receive such benefits as paid annual leave and minimum wage protection. After six years of litigation, the UK Supreme Court ruled that the drivers were workers rather than self-employed persons. Uber nevertheless still insists that the ruling only applied to drivers using its app in 2016, not all its current drivers. The Labour Party, which recently came to power, had put forward progressive proposals during the election in Labour’s Plan to Make Work Pay: Delivering a New Deal for Working People. The party pledged to ban exploitative zero hours contracts and require employers to provide staff with contracts that state predictable hours, based on a 12-week reference period. Nonetheless, some gig workers may prefer to retain the flexibility of being classified as “workers” rather than “employees”. Whether the intermediate employment classification, i.e. “workers”, should be abolished remains a debatable issue.

Singapore is well known for its business-friendly environment and its entrepreneurship. It places great importance on technological advancement, laying the foundation for the platform economy. To safeguard labour rights, the country recently passed the Platform Workers Bill to provide protections for its approximately 70,000 platform workers. Similar to the UK, the Bill classifies “platform workers” as a separate legal category that falls between employees and the self-employed to ensure their Central Provident Fund contribution rate will rise to match that of current employees and employers. Platform operators are required to provide their platform workers with work injury compensation insurance at the same level of coverage as employees. In addition, the Bill stipulates the formation of Platform Work Associations to ensure collective bargaining rights, including negotiations with platform operators and the signing of legally-binding collective agreements. Reportedly, Singapore may eventually consider extending the scope of the Bill to cover other freelancers.

While China, the US, the UK, and Singapore have attempted to introduce policy measures to protect the rights of gig workers, differences exist among the regulations. In comparison, the policies of China and Singapore involve more negotiations between employers and employees, whereas those of the US and the UK do not. This may be due to the fact that gig worker protection policies are a more contentious issue in the US and the UK. In any event, policy measures to protect the rights of gig workers have yet to fully mature and the outcomes of their implementation remain uncertain.

Flexible regulatory framework essential to robust growth  

How to regulate the platform economy is another major issue. According to Peking University’s Institute of Digital Finance, regulation should aim to strengthen the platform economy and to facilitate its healthy growth, rather than hindering its future growth. It is therefore necessary to establish a comprehensive governance mechanism for the platform economy. This should include the formulation of specialized and systematic regulations as well as a clear demarcation of departmental responsibilities so as to avoid the phenomena of “campaign-style regulation” and “regulatory competition”. Moreover, to prevent over-intervention in normal market operations, it is advisable to distinguish between “regulation of the platform economy” and “antitrust” — the former being a proper function for maintaining market order and the latter being a non-normal measure for restoring market efficiency.

The success of the platform economy hinges on the creation of reasonable income for companies and gig workers while consumers benefit from highly efficient platform services, altogether delivering a triple-win. Given the dominant position of platform operators, the government must play an active role in ensuring a balance among labour rights, business interests, and technological applications. That being said, the flexibility of the regulatory framework is crucial since over-regulation may compromise the effectiveness of platforms in managing supply and demand, producing a triple-lose outcome for operators, gig workers, and consumers. Finding balance on a seesaw is no easy task. How to build a sustainable development framework for the gig economy remains an issue in urgent need of further deliberation.

 

References

黃益平、鄧峰、沈艷、汪浩(2022)〈超越「強監管」──對平台經濟治理政策的反思〉,北京大學數字金融研究中心

Translation
零工經濟(Gig Economy)已成為全球趨勢,如何在勞工權益、商業利益和科技進步之間取得微妙平衡,是全球政策制定者關注的焦點。參考Statista的數據,零工工作者人數預計於2027年佔美國勞動人口的51%。在香港,隨着愈來愈多人從事短期合約和自由職業工作,傳統的勞工保障制度亦有待進一步完善。

勞工權利、商業利益和科技之間的相互作用頗為複雜,政策制定者和產業領導者需要在蹺蹺板上尋找平衡。一方面,科技進步和廉價的零工成本,為平台經濟提供繁榮發展的條件,而平台經濟也確實創造出大量具靈活性和自由度的工種,為人們獲取收入提供傳統工作以外的渠道。另一方面,平台公司在市場中的強勢地位使零工工作者幾乎沒有議價能力,只能接受平台公司單方面預設的待遇。

有鑑於此,本文旨在淺談中國內地、美國、英國和新加坡在勞工法例方面的轉變,希望藉此拋磚引玉,引發社會對零工經濟更多的政策討論。必須承認的是,世界各地面對的情況不盡相同,且政策效果仍有待觀察。我們在參考外地經驗的同時,應結合香港本地的實際情況,創建一個可持續的發展框架,以平衡商業創新發展和維護零工工作者權益的需要。
參考內地美英星洲經驗

零工經濟在中國內地發展蓬勃。據報道,美團CEO王興在最近的內部信中透露,共有745萬騎手於2023年通過美團平台獲得超過800億元人民幣的報酬。除了外賣騎手外,網約車司機、內容創作者等零工工種在內地已十分普遍,社會愈來愈關注平台巨頭在保障零工工作者權益方面的社會責任。在全國總工會等部門指導下,外賣平台餓了麼於去年7月與300餘萬名騎手簽訂行業首份全網集體合同,以回應騎手關注的勞動保障、保險福利、申訴通道等問題。目前,餓了麼已在上海成立爭議調解中心,以期優化內部的糾紛化解機制。

面對零工經濟的擴張,中國政府在保障勞動權益方面扮演重要角色。人力資源與社會安全部於2024年印發《新就業形態勞動者休息和勞工報酬權益保障指引》、《新就業形態勞動者權益維護服務指南》等一系列文件,主要從報酬待遇、休息時間、維權渠道三方面界定「新就業形態勞動者」的權利。在報酬待遇方面,政策規定「新就業形態勞動者」的工資適用於當地政府規定的小時最低工資標準,如在法定假日工作,更應獲得高於平日工作時間的勞動報酬。為保障勞動者獲得必要的休息時間,政策規定當勞動者工作時間達到上限時,平台應當停止向其推送訂單一定時間。如果勞動權益遭受損害時,「新就業形態勞動者」亦可通過企業內部勞動糾紛化解、工會、相關部門機構權益維護服務等機制進行維權。

在美國,科技創新使企業能夠利用數位平台拓展市場,而政府則在確保公平勞動實踐方面發揮作用。一般而言,只有「僱員」受美國聯邦和州立勞工法例保障,但美國一些較發達的州份已自行立法,嘗試保障零工工人的權益。例如,紐約市於2023年通過「提高外送員最低工資標準」法案,將外送員的最低時薪從7.09美元大幅提升至17.96美元。然而,該法案引起業界強烈不滿,包括Uber Eats、DoorDash和Grubhub在內的平台公司向美國法院提起訴訟。與此同時,平台公司把增加的薪資成本轉嫁給餐廳和消費者,隨着外送費增加,消費者開始減少在餐飲平台下單的頻率,外賣騎手的就業也面臨窘境。

在英國,勞動關係包括僱員、工人和自僱者3種身份。2016年,Uber司機向就業法庭提出訴訟,認為他們受雇於Uber,應享受帶薪年假等福利和受最低工資標準的保障。經歷6年官司,英國最高法院最終裁定Uber應把其平台的司機視為工人而非自僱者。儘管如此,Uber仍聲稱該裁決只適用於2016年使用其軟件的司機,而非現時平台中的所有司機。近期,英國工黨上台執政,其於選舉中進取地提出「新政──使工作獲合理回報的工黨計劃」(New Deal-Labour’s plan to make work pay),承諾取締具剝削性的零工時合約,要求僱主以12周為參考期,為僱員提供可預測工時。然而,部分零工工作者或希望保留作為工人而非僱員的自由度,是否應該取消工人的中間就業分類,仍是有待商榷的問題。

新加坡以其親商環境和創業精神而聞名,其重視科技發展,為平台經濟奠定基礎。為了保障勞工權利,新加坡近期通過《平台工人法案》,為當地約7萬名平台工人提供保障。與英國類似,該法案將「平台工人」劃分為介於僱員和自僱人士之間的獨特法律類別,確保他們享有比現有水平更高的新加坡中央公積金(Central Provident Fund),與目前僱員、僱主之間的支付費用標準保持一致。該法案亦規定平台運營商須為平台工作人員提供與僱員同等水平的工傷賠償保險。此外,該法案規定組建平台工作協會,以保障平台工人獲得集體談判的權利,包括與運營方談判和簽署具法律約束力的集體協議。據報道,新加坡於日後可能會考慮將法案的適用範圍擴展至其他自由職業者。

雖然中國、美國、英國和新加坡皆嘗試推出政策措施,以保障零工工人權益,但當中仍存在差異。相對而言,中國和新加坡的政策經過勞資雙方更多協商,美國和英國則相反,這或許亦是零工工人保障政策在美英兩地引起較大反彈的原因。無論如何,保障零工工人權益的政策措施在各地均未成熟,實施效果仍有待觀察。
監管框架須靈活 助健康發展

如何監管平台經濟是另一個關鍵問題。北京大學數字金融研究中心認為,監管應是為了壯大平台經濟並促進其健康發展,而非為了使平台經濟無以為繼。因此,應建立一套完善的平台經濟治理機制,包括制定專門的系統性法規和明晰各部門的權責,以避免出現「運動式監管」和「監管競爭」的現象。此外,宜將「平台經濟監管」和「反壟斷」區分開來,避免過分干擾市場的正常運作:前者更多是維持市場秩序的常態行為,後者則是恢復市場效率的非常態行為。

平台經濟的成功在於能夠為企業和零工工作者創造合理收入,而消費者則受惠於高效的平台服務,最終達至三贏局面。有鑑於平台公司的強勢地位,政府有必要發揮積極作用,確保我們在勞工權益、商業利益和科技應用三者之間取得平衡。不過,監管框架的靈活性是關鍵,因為過於嚴格的規則,可能會削弱平台平衡供需的有效性,最終反而導致企業、零工工作者和消費者的三輸局面。在蹺蹺板上尋找平衡並非易事,如何為零工經濟創建一個可持續的發展框架,仍是一個亟待深入探討的議題。

 

參考資料︰
黃益平、鄧峰、沈艷、汪浩(2022)〈超越「強監管」──對平台經濟治理政策的反思〉,北京大學數字金融研究中心

 

鄧希煒教授
港大經管學院副院長(對外事務)、馮國經馮國綸基金經濟學教授

林康聖先生
港大經管學院香港經濟及商業策略研究所研究經理

張超藝先生
港大經管學院香港經濟及商業策略研究所高級研究助理

(本文同時於二零二四年九月二十五日載於《信報》「龍虎山下」專欄)